The Test Question

    Source citation

    "The Test Question," Memphis (TN) Appeal, May 31, 1851, p. 2. 

    Original source
    New Orleans (LA) Delta
    Newspaper: Publication
    Memphis (TN) Appeal
    Newspaper: Headline
    The Test Question
    Newspaper: Page(s)
    2
    Type
    Newspaper
    Date Certainty
    Exact
    Transcriber
    Meg Allen
    Transcription date
    The following text is presented here in complete form, as it originally appeared in print. Spelling and typographical errors have been preserved as in the original.

    From the N.O. Delta. 

    The Test Question 

    The Bulletin of Wednesday has an article, with the caption "Fugitive Slave Law--A Test Question," which contains much matter deserving consideration and comment.  The object of the article is, to show that the whig party is the great national party, and can only succeed in the approaching contest by taking broad ground in favor of the Compromise, and particularly of the Fugitive Slave law.  The democracy is consigned by out cotemporary, body and soul, to the embraces of freesoilism, for which it has such "natural affinities" that it is fast being merged into that schism.  In regard to this latter averment, we have but little to say, leaving the democrats to fight their own battles.  We must, however, repeat the expression of our belief that, on the Slavery question, there is  but little choice between the two parties.  We have watched both parties closely, and have been able to discover not the shadow of a difference between them.  Each stands ready to give up the Compromise and trample upon the South, to achieve a party victory.  We don’t believe that any fair, impartial, or well-balanced mind entertains any other opinion than this.

    The Southerner, whig or democrat, who pretends that either party at the North can be relied on in this matter, lacks understanding or fidelity to the South.  These parties are made up of the same human material,—they are all men of the same race—raised under the same social influences and prejudices, and there is nothing in whiggery or democracy to change their natures.  Both have been enticed into apposition of hostility to the South, mainly by our own concessions—our own submissiveness.  Both will abandon their aggressions when the South assumes a determined attitude on this subject. To that end, we have hitherto labored and struggled against the blind and reckless course of those who, under the delusive cry of “Union,” have produced the conviction abroad that there was no limit to our submissiveness, and that we were rather pleased than not, at a Compromise in which we surrendered everything to for the large concession.  In favor of the execution of a provision of the Constitution, which constituted one of its most essential compromises!

    We rejoice to see that even the Bulletin begins to see through the party mists which envelope it, that our position is a wise and prudent one.  That journal boldly takes the ground that the Fugitive Slave law is the test question upon which the whig party must place itself before it can get the vote of the South.  It repels vigorously the attempt of the New York Courier and the Tribune to evade this issue, and keep the whig party free from it.  Here is the Bulletin’s language:

    “Some of our friends have been taking advantage of our good nature and love of peace, and as they saw that we were so willing to accede to terms by way of compromise, and for the restoration of good feeling, they indulge in the hope that they may get a little more from us—in a word, that they may procure the repeal, or to use the words of Gov. Hunt, the “essential modification” of the Fugitive Slave law.”

    This is our very argument, lucidly and forcibly stated—an admirable development of the dangers of submission!  You admit the extent of our concessions, and you perceive very clearly their effect in encouraging and emboldening aggression.  And yet you are continually raising the cry of disunion, against not only those who were unwilling to make such concessions, because they believed that they would induce the North “to indulge the hope that they may get a little more from us;” but also against those, who were unwilling to join in your hurra Union meetings, of rejoicing over such submission on our part, and such generous condescension on the part of the North.

    Here is a precious confession from one of the loudest declaimers in favor of the Compromise.  A wise, a judicious, a manly Compromise truly, which is so submissive as to provoke further aggression!

    But on this Compromise the Bulletin has screwed its courage up to the sticking point and here it will stand.  We hope it will.  We shall stick a pin in the following:

    “It may be well for the edification of such people, to apprise them for once and all, the estimate we, of the South, affix to the one provision of the Compromise, which is regarded as a concession to the slave States.  We now look upon the Fugitive Slave Law as a fixed and immutable principle—as a constitutional guaranty, of which no human power can deprive us.  It is well known to all familiar with the history of this Government, that the Union never would never have been formed without the stipulation in the Constitution, respecting fugitive slaves; it is now equally indispensable for the preservation of the Union, that this provision should be observed in good faith, and maintained in its integrity.”

    What does this mean in plain words?  It mean we must have the Fugitive Slave law, or Disunion.  It means that “the repeal or essential modification” of this law will justify Disunion.  Here is a surrender of the whole ground assumed by South Carolina and the Secessionists, whom the Bulletin delights every other day in abusing so savagely.  The Bulletin thinks the repeal of a certain law, which was only enacted a year ago—of which we have been deprived for half a century—will justify secession—South Carolina thinks that the exclusion of the South from a share of the ne3w territory acquired by the join labor and blood of the whole nation, is such a wrong and injustice as to justify secession.  What is the difference in principle or effect between the two?  Is it not a mere difference of time or expediency?  Why then revile South Carolina as you do?

    The Bulletin next quotes from the N. York Express as follows:

    “We do no believe (says the Express) that after the South has practically lost five measures of the Compromise, that they will let the North repeal the sixth, the one which gives them anything at all, and that one, too, solemnly guarantied by the Constitution.”

    “This is the bald, naked truth, and no one will pretend to gainsy it.”  This I the Bulletin’s, not the Delta’s language—the language of a paper which has been filled with denunciations of those who would not vote for the bill in which the South lost “five measures” to secure one!—You have no hesitated to condemn as disunionists and agitators those who could not see that it was honorable or wise to make such concessions!

    But, further, the Bulletin is in a penitent mood.  It is determined to make a clean breast of it—to confess all its sins.  Heretofore it has been rank treason to doubt that the North would be faithful to the Compromise.  We, ourselves, incurred severe reproof for faintly expressing such skepticism.  Now, let the Bulletin testify on this head:

    “This is the bald, naked truth, and no one will pretend to gainsy it.  Had the North acted in equal good faith with the South, since the adoption of the Compromise, all agitation would have ceased.  Out of Carolina all would have been peace and harmony; but how have many at the North deported themselves as peacemakers?  The President had no sooner signed the Fugitive Slave Law than he became a marked man, which his Secretary of State, for every species of detraction.  The shout was immediately raised of Repeal; and with such confidence, and even success have they progressed in perverting the public mind, that they now boldly avow that the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law is inevitable.”

    The Bulletin finally winds up its article by the following very explicit indication of its course, which we heartily commend, and hope it will adhere to:

    ‘It may so happen—in all likelihood it will—that this question will be the turning point upon which will hinge the next Presidential election.  We assume it as a fixed fact, that no Southern voter, whatever may be his political complexion, will vote for any candidate for the Presidency, who is not in favor of the Compromise as it is, and who will not give some positive and reliable pledge that he will in no wise disturb it.  We therefore tell our whig friends, that if they entertain any such opinion as has been advanced by a portion of the press, that the Compromise, or to use a more comprehensive expression, that Slave question, will not be made a test question in the next Presidential election, they are most egregiously mistaken.  We love the Union beyond party or any conceivable political relation; we will stand by it with equal loyalty against the assaults of Southern Disunionists, or Northern Abolitionists, and we hold him its most dangerous enemy, who counsels or sanctions the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law.  No man can be the President of the UNITED STATES, who is not the staunch friend of the Constitution.”

    We are thus full in our quotations from the Bulletin, because it is the great commercial organ of this city, and we desire to let our numerous country readers see that a higher and more Southern tone is getting in vogue in our city,.

    This position is one upon which we have no doubt the South would be generally united, it there could be a satisfactory and perfect assurance that all parties would stand by this pledge.  Past surrenders and retreats have weakened the confidence of many of the South in the sincerity of these professions of politicians.  It is this feeling, more than a positive conviction of the necessity or advantage of disunion, which has increased so largely the Secession party in the South.     

    How to Cite This Page: "The Test Question," House Divided: The Civil War Research Engine at Dickinson College, https://hd.housedivided.dickinson.edu/index.php/node/1531.