The Fugitive Slave Bill--Treason in the Land--What will the President do?

The Fugitive Slave Bill—Treason in the Land—What will the President do?

The announcement that President Fillmore was about to issue a proclamation giving his own views and those of the Cabinet on the Fugitive Slave bill, and expressing his determination to use all the influence at his command towards it execution, created a great sensation in this city, and formed the topic of conversation in all circles yesterday.  It was the unanimous opinion of our citizens, that if such a determination had not been arrived at by Mr. Fillmore and his Cabinet, and if no such document was about to be issued, such a proceeding on the part of the government, at this crisis, would be highly judicious and very necessary to put down the fanatics of New York and New England, and curb their power to do wrong, every sound and sensible man in the community cannot but be sensible.

It was hoped, by men of all parties, that the passage of the compromise measures, during the last session of Congress, would not only have healed the animosities which existed between the North and the South, but that the fanatical abolitionists and the Southern ultraists would find their occupation gone, and would be forced to remain quiet.  Contrary to general expectation, the reverse has been the case.  Since the adjournment of Congress an anti-slavery agitation, infinitely worse and more fatal in its tendencies, had been set on foot by certain cliques of politicians and aspiring demagogues, in New York and New England, of whom Seward, Garrison, Greeley, Philips, Weed and others are the leaders.  These disorganizers, these disturbers of the public peace, these revels and traitors to the spirit of the constitution ad the laws—these demagogues, who are willing to sell their birth-right for a mess of pottage; who are willing to barter away, if not to cast aside, all the glorious rights and principles which are the common inheritance of every American citizen—these incendiaries and truly dangerous men, have attempted to re-open the wounds inflicted by them on the body-politic, after they were healed by the patriotism of the land, and have devoted themselves, with an energy perfectly demonical, to the dissolution of this great and glorious Union.  With a seductiveness worth of the serpent of old, they have succeeded, to a great extent, in perverting the sentiments of philanthropy which are entertained by all good men, to their own purpose, and abusing them, to suit their own views and private objects.

The deluded people who have followed in the wake of those rebels and traitors, are scattered over all of the free States, as may be seen by the opposition to the execution of the Fugitive Slave bill in Boston, Philadelphia, Chicago, and other places.  On this subject, we are proud to say the heart of this great metropolis is right, and that love on the minds of our people.  It was here that the Fugitive Slave bill was first carried into effect, and the first fugitive arrested and returned to his owner, to be afterwards liberated through the money and influence of real philanthropists, of every party.  And if it be necessary to again enforce its provisions in this city, the officers of the government will have very facility afforded them to perform their duties, and carry out its purposes. 

We cannot, however, say as much of the other cities to which we have referred; and it is with shame we acknowledge that in distant places—Boston especially—the officers of the government have been unable to transact their duties, in consequence of an organized opposition to the laws, and a treasonable combination against the Constitution.  In our estimation, and in that of every good citizen, any attempt to defeat a law constitutionally passed, must be put down, no matter what may be the consequences.  If deluded people attempt to violate it, the government should at once step in and punish them to the fullest extent.  We assume to be a free people, and we are a free people; but opposition to the laws is not freedom, but anarchy, which cannot be tolerated, and which ought to be frowned down.  We very much fear that the abolition portion of the community mistake the indulgence of their own whims and abstract notions of right and wrong, on great measures and great principles, for liberty.  A more mistaken idea was never entertained.  That would be licentiousness—not freedom.  In becoming a member of society, every man parts with a portion of his natural or abstract rights, for the benefit of the community in which he lives.  Society is, therefore, a compromise.  When this government was first formed, it was based on compromise, and has existed on compromise to this day.  The Southern States parted with a potion of their rights, as did the North, and certain other rights were guaranteed to them.  Among these was the privilege of reclaiming their fugitive slaves, which is laid down in the constitution, and guaranteed to them by that sacred instrument.  Without such a guarantee, the Southern States would never have entered into the federal compact; and any man or set of men who attempt to render that compact void, are not only guilty of bad faith toward our Southern citizens, but are morally traitors, and in some countries would suffer death for so doing.   

To oppose the execution of the Fugitive bill, therefore—that measure being nothing but what is termed a declaratory law—either directly or indirectly, as has been the case in Boston, is treason, and should be punished as such.  This brings us to the point at which we have been aiming.  Treason stalks through the streets of Boston.  A law of Congress, passed in accordance with the constitution, and binding upon every good citizen, has been violated, or its execution impeded, in that city.  It is thus far a dead letter, to all intents and purposes there; and if it be not enforced to the fullest extent by the officers of the government, we may as well give up the idea that we have a government and a system of laws, and arrive at the conclusion that this great republic is held together by simply a rope of sand.  But such ignominy is not, we hope, in store for this great and happy country.  We yet hope that the laws will prevail over all fanaticism, and that they will be enforced, no matter what the consequences may be.  It rests entirely with the President, who is invested will all necessary powers, to see that the enactments of Congress are faithfully carried out.  The second section of the law of 1795, says, expressly:--

That whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed, in any State by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, of by the powers bested in the marshals by this act, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the militia of such States, or of any other State or States, as may be necessary to suppress such combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed; and the use of militia so to be called forth may be continued, if necessary, until the expiration of thirty days after the commencement of the then next session of Congress.  

We want, therefore, to hear no more of the United States officers being obstructed in the performance of their duties in Boston, or any other place.  Mr. Fillmore, we trust, will show that he is equal to any emergency which may arise and if there be any further attempt to resist the operation of the Fugitive Slave bill in Massachusetts, every good citizen will hope and expect that Mr. Fillmore, if he has not already done so, will issue a proclamation, and if that is not enough to answer the purpose, that he will use the whole power at his command—the naval and military force of the United States—to carry out the laws.  If the militia of Massachusetts will not answer the summons, let him call upon other States to support the Union, the constitution, and the laws.  This treason must be stopped, and the traitors must be silenced.

Let the President, therefore, do his duty, at all hazards, rather than this glorious Union should be dissolved, or the laws of Congress nullified by the fanatic rebels of Boston or New England.