William Henry Longsdorff (Dickinson Chronicles)

Scholarship
John Osborne and James W. Gerencser, eds., “William Henry Longsdorff,” Dickinson Chronicles, http://chronicles.dickinson.edu/encyclo/l/ed_longsdorfWH.htm.
William H. Longsdorff was born in Silver Spring Township, near Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania on March 24, 1834.  He was the fourth of seven children born to Adam and Mary Senseman Longsdorff.  His father was a farmer and later served as Cumberland County sheriff during which time the family lived at the county seat of Carlisle.  The younger Longsdorff entered Dickinson College there with the class of 1856 after education at Dickinson's preparatory school.

Richard Alexander F. Penrose (Dickinson Chronicles)

Scholarship
John Osborne and James W. Gerencser, eds., “Richard Alexander F. Penrose,” Dickinson Chronicles, http://chronicles.dickinson.edu/encyclo/p/ed_penroseRAF.htm.
Richard Alexander Fullerton Penrose was born in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, the second son of Charles and Valeria Fullerton Biddle Penrose on March 24, 1827; his elder brother was William McFunn Penrose.  He was educated at the local Dickinson Grammar School and entered Dickinson College proper in 1842, graduating with the class of 1846.  He went on to the medical school at the University of Pennsylvania and received his medical degree in March 1849.

Horace Gray (American National Biography)

Scholarship
Donald M. Roper, "Gray, Horace," American National Biography Online, February 2000, http://www.anb.org/articles/11/11-00347.html.
Besides his clerkship, Gray honed his skill as an advocate with the elite of the highly regarded Boston bar, which included Benjamin R. Curtis after Curtis's resignation from the U.S. Supreme Court in 1857. Gray's partners included Ebenezer Rockwood Hoar, future supreme judicial court justice and attorney general under President Ulysses S. Grant. Fully devoted to the law, Gray had little time for politics. Like his partner Hoar, however, he gravitated from "Conscience" Whig to Free Soiler to Republican.

Braxton Bragg (American National Biography)

Scholarship
Timothy P. Twohill, "Bragg, Braxton," American National Biography Online, February 2000, http://www.anb.org/articles/04/04-00135.html.
Bragg was unfairly criticized both by his contemporaries and subsequent historians until efforts were finally made to distinguish facts from the rumors about him. He was a skillful military planner and administrator, but his inability to control his temper, particularly in matters requiring deft, political sensitivity, only amplified the anger and distrust he caused through his mistakes.

James Buchanan (Knupfer, 1996)

Scholarship
Peter Knupfer, “James Buchanan, the Election of 1860, and the Demise of Jacksonian Politics,” in James Buchanan and the Political Crisis of the 1850s (Selinsgrove: Susquehanna University Press, 1996), 152-153.
[Buchanan’s] understanding of the way politics worked, of the function of political parties, of the nature of the Union and the policies needed to preserve it were inculcated through a party system that rewarded him with increasingly powerful positions and influence…The Democratic Party came to represent, in his eyes, the Union itself; it was a coalition of free and slave interests whose survival depended on the suppression of sectional conflict.

John C. Calhoun (Ford, 1988)

Scholarship
Lacy K. Ford, Jr., Origins of Southern Radicalism: The South Carolina Upcountry, 1800-1860 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 191-192.
Calhoun, of course, was an astute politician. He did not expect unanimity in South Carolina on any issue, except perhaps opposition to the abolitionists, and…he certainly did not shy away from political competition once a challenge emerged. Yet Calhoun’s preference for the “country-republican” consensus ideal always influenced his attitude toward South Carolina politics. He always fought for victory, the sought reconciliation. He never looked only to reward the faithful but also to bring the opposition back into the fold.

Origins of Southern Radicalism: The South Carolina Upcountry, 1800-1860

Citation:
Lacy K. Ford, Jr., Origins of Southern Radicalism: The South Carolina Upcountry, 1800-1860 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 191-192.
Body Summary:
Calhoun, of course, was an astute politician. He did not expect unanimity in South Carolina on any issue, except perhaps opposition to the abolitionists, and…he certainly did not shy away from political competition once a challenge emerged. Yet Calhoun’s preference for the “country-republican” consensus ideal always influenced his attitude toward South Carolina politics. He always fought for victory, the sought reconciliation. He never looked only to reward the faithful but also to bring the opposition back into the fold. He never wanted merely to dominate South Carolina politics but rather to unite the state behind his actions. Although Calhoun seldom, if ever, succeeded in actually uniting the whole state behind him, he did frequently have the overwhelming majority of South Carolinians on his side, and he made the unusual cohesion within South Carolina work to give the state a loud and strong voice in national forums. The purpose of the consensus preached by Calhoun, and usually practiced by his followers, was to achieve for South Carolina as a whole a sort of political independence that was essentially the personal independence of the republican freeholder writ large. South Carolina could then, like Calhoun, stand on its “own bottom,” beyond the sway of demagogues and above the corrupting influence of spoilsmen. Throughout his life, Calhoun and his followers kept South Carolina half-in and half-out of the Jacksonian mainstream, waging a series of heated grassroots campaigns, literally going field-to-field and door-to-door wooing voters, but always, even when acting as a tough partisan, standing as a barrier to the development of a permanent two-party system in South Carolina. 
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